
...Jt: 



Qass. 

Book ' li ^ ^ 



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AN 



ADDRESS 



SELrVKKED TO THK 



aOLONIZATIOIT BOCIBTY OF SBNTUCS?, 



AT FRANKFORT, JAN. 15, 1835. 



HON. JOSEPH R. UNDERWOOD 



•^ FRANKFORT: 

rKIMTKD BT ALBERT O. HODOIS, 

1835. 



ADDRESS 



^ 



We live, my audience, in an ago full of interest to the heart of 
the philanthropist. The moral, religious, and intellectual excite- 
ment pervading Christian countries, presages the accomplishment of 
great works, in which mankind arc to be blessed. Those principles 
of morals, of science, and of government, which regulate the affairs 
of civilized nations and individuals, must be extended throughout 
the world; otherwise, all that is good and magnificent in the past 
achievements of our race, is in danger. If ignorance should triumph 
over knowledge, and vice trample virtue under foot, the lights of 
science and of art which now illuminate the territories of many 
nations, may be extinguished forever, and the reign of barbarism 
cover the earth with gloom, till the end of time. 

If we contrast the present with any former period, we shall find 
much cause for exultatinn in tho progress wliich has been made in 
meliorating the condition of large portions of the human family. 
Such contrast, while it encourages benevolent efibrts in behalf of 
those who still remain enveloped in ignorance and vice, affords strong 
reason to hope that the future will elevate the prostrate nations of 
the earth to that happy eminence on which the most exalted are 
now placed. The sources of enjoyment have been vastly mul- 
tiplied within the last two or three hundred years, comparing the 
improvements made in that time, with the state of tho arts, the 
sciences, tho physical and intellectual condition of man, as they ex- 
isted during the preceding thousands of years; and the progress 
made in the last fifty years of the three hundred, has greatly ex- 
ceeded that of the preceding two hundred and fifty. 

Were the illustrious men who lived in the most renowned periods 
of Greek and Roman History, permitted to revisit the earth, and to 
look upon all that is now going forward in it, we can .scarcely im- 
agine the degree of astonishment which would fill their minds in 
contemplating the new order of things introduced by modern inven- 
tions. Exhibit the art of printing in its present state of perfection, 



and what a current of thought would rush through the minds of 
Julius Caesar, Cicero, Virgil, and Solon. Caesar might exclaim, this 
art would have spread the knowledge of my campaigns and my 
victories over all the world, and perpetuated my fame more effectu- 
ally than statutes of marble or monuments of brass; while Cicero, 
Virgil, and Solon, with mingled voices of admiration, would seve- 
rally connect the invention with his orations, his poems, and his 
laws. We can almost hear the eager inquiry of those celebrated 
ancients — "Who has immortalized himself by the discovery of this 
divine art?" And we can almost see the incredulous amazement 
depicted in their countenances, when informed that Guttemberg, 
or Faust, a German, was the inventor. The Germans in the days 
of Caesar, were regarded by the Romans as barbarians; and so 
they were. 

Recall nineteen hundred years, and erect in the City of Rome 
all the various improvements in machinery for raanufccturing 
woollen and cotton cloths, and there exhibit what modern art has 
done to defend the body against the frosts of winter and the heats 
of summer, and you would create a deeper excitement, a more 
intense interest among all classes of the people, than was ever pro- 
duced by the most splendid triumph awarded to the most successful 
general who commanded tho legions of that proud city in subduing 
nations. The celebrated Appian way is no more, when coiuparcd 
with the modern rail road, than one of our roads recently opened 
through the rich soil of our forests, is to the Appian way. The 
power of steam, applied as it now is to navigation, and propelling as 
it does every description of machiner)', was not known until the 
middle of the seventeenth century. Could the most learned Greek 
or Roman Philosopher wake from the sleep of death, and behold a 
modern ^ronaut sailing through the clouds, his first impression 
would be, that Jupiter, the Father of Gods according to his Mytho- 
logy, was on a visit to the earth. But when the scientific principles 
were explained, upon which the perfection of these wonderful arts 
depends, astonishment would cease, and the sages of antiquity would 
content themselves by exclaiming — "The world was in its infancy 
when we lived, it is now grown up tomanhood!" 

The connexion between the arts and the sciences, is almost as in- 
dissoluble as that between the shadow and the substance; and hence, 
wherever you find the arts prevailing in a high degree of perfection;. 
there likewise the lights of science burn with splendor. Accord- 



ingly the contrast between the present condition of the sciences 
and what they were before the Christian era and for many hundred 
years afterwards, is calculated to afford delight without alloy. The 
modern Chemist has unveiled the mysteries of Nature; the modern 
Astronomer and Mathematician have invaded the Heavens, and 
ascertained with exactness, the magnitudes and revolutions, diurnal 
and annual, of the sun, the planets, and their satellites. Men of 
science in our age, analyze and test every thing in Physicks by 
actual experiments, and by such means have erected a standard of 
truth unknown to the ancients. Hence there is a certainty in 
modern scientific knowledge which admits of no doubt. Naviga- 
tion is an art dependent upon astronomical and mathematical science. 
The perfection of these, connected with the discovery of the pow- 
ers of the magnet, have enabled navigators to explore the whole 
world, the arctic and antarctic regions excepted. It is said that 
Alexander wept because he could not find another world to conquer, 
and yet, vain man, he died ignorant that such a continent existed as 
that which we inhabit! The blaze of modern science extinguishes 
the twilight learning of the ancients, as the light of the sun doth the 
twinkling of the stars. 

The contrast between the proudest days of Greece and Rome, 
and those of the present lime, i'' not less striking if we place it 
upon the principles, the opinions, the character, and pursuits of the 
people. We read of Republics, but the representative principle 
as acted on by us, was unknown. The idea of a written constitu- 
tion, limiting the" powers of the different departments of govern- 
ment, and defining certain rights which shall remain inviolate for- 
ever, is, comparatively speaking, the work of yesterday. The 
Athenians condemned Socrates, and sentenced him to drink hem- 
lock because they differed in opinion with him; the papal inquisitions 
of the dark ages have sacrificed many victims to the demon of in- 
tolerance; but such persecution and bigotry have fled from the 
empire of civilization, havingrccently surrendered their last fortress 
in Spain; and the sentiment of Mr. Jefferson, that error may be 
tolerated where reason is lc''t free to combat it, is firmly established 
in this country, and rapidly gaining foothold throughout Europe. 
We have, it is true, in high party time.", political punishments for 
opinion's sake; but as these have recently sprung up, and do not 
extend to loss of life, it is to be hoped that a perseverance in the 
system will not leave a lasting stain upon the character of our age, 



6 

nnd obliterate the distinction between the bloody persecutions of 
ancient days and the spirit of forbearance and toleration so forcibly 
inculcated by the genius of modern institutions. . 

Where shall we find in the pages of Greek or Roman Historv 
an account of any benevolent association to suppress crime, to al- 
leviate suflering, to extend knowledge to remote nations, and to 
civilize barbarians? In the annals of ancient nations where could 
you find a notice of a Temperance Society, a Prison Discipline 
Society, a Sunday School Society, a Bible Society, a Missionary 
Society, and lastly, a Colonization Society? These societies, and 
■others for the promotion of the welfare of our fellow cratures, mark 
a new era on earth. They are the fruit of that Religion which 
began in the days of Augustus Caesar, and which has already driv- 
en the doctrines of Roman Mythology into the shades of oblivion. 
He who came into the world to bring life and immortality to light, 
has renewed the affections of the heart and changed public senti- 
ment. The sanguinary games, or rather murders perpetrated by 
Roman Gladiators for the amusement of a blood thirsty and igno- 
rant populace, would now excite universal horror. The springs of 
human action are now connected with eternity, and hence there are 
thousands who sacrifice their time and their lives, like Ashmun, 
laboring to benefit others without Inoking to a reward on earth. 
They look beyond the grave. 

While we bear in mind the immense progress in improvement 
which the world has made and is making, let us proceed to consid- 
er the objects and plans of our association. If the present face of 
the earth exhibits a new set of features compared with what it was 
a thousand or two thousand years ago, what may we not expect a 
thousand years hence? May we not hope that some future bene- 
factor will arise, accomplish and leave for history brighter deeds 
than ever vet have warmed the heart of admiration or fired the 
spirit of emulation. The present race is connected with the gen- 
erations to come, and that man has no claim to the character of a 
Philanthropist who docs not feel a deep interest in the welfare of 
posterity. 

I will not detain you, my audience, by entering upon the present 
condition of the Colony at Liberia in detail. It may be well, how- 
ever, to remark, that the Colony has passed through its hours of trial 
and is now placed upon such a fooling that its success is beyond 
cavil or question. In less than ton years immediately subsequent 



to November 182*2, diinng which inonlli the Colony was twice at' 
tacked, first by eight hundred, and afterwards by fifteen hundred 
African natives, and successfully defended by thirty-five Colonists 
under the intrepid Ashmun, the number of men capable of bearing 
arms has increased to six hundred and three. Every thing has ad- 
vanced in the same ratio until it can with truth be affirmed that the 
Colonists at Liberia and their commerce and agriculture, schools and 
churches, have surpassed, in the same length of time from (he date 
of their respective settlements, those of our ancestors at James- 
town or those of the pilgrims at Plymouth. Fortified as the Colony 
now is with men and munitions of war, and instructed as the Colo- 
nists are in the arts and sciences of modern times, it bids defiance 
to the hostile attempts of the barbarian aborigines by which it is 
surrounded. Indeed, tlie natives sensible of their inferiorty, are 
courting the frendship of the Colonists, who have already acquired 
an iniluence extending far into the interior, and which is rapidly 
converting the continent of Africa into an asylum, where her dust- 
trodden children of this hemisphere may find peace and rest. 

it is the design of our Society to colonize on the western coasts 
of Africa, such free people of color as are willing to go. Manu- 
mited slaves are included within the bpncvolcnt objects of the So- 
ciety, as woli M, i.eople of color who are born free. We e.xpect 
three blessings to result from our eflbrts, first to the emigrants, se- 
condly to ourselves and country, and tiiirdly and lastly to the barba- 
rous nations of Africa. I shall not enter upon a systematic dis- 
cussion to show that what we e.xpect on these points has already 
been accomplished to a considerable extent, nor will 1 consume time 
in proving that the continent of Africa has ample means in her ex- 
tensive and fertile soils, in her forests and rivers, to subsist the whole 
colored population of the United States, bond and free, and their in- 
crease, for ages to come. My principal object on the present occa- 
sion is to vindicate our society against the unwarranted attacks 
which have been made upon it, and to show that the objections rais- 
ed against it are altogether untenable. 

Our motives have been variously impeached by the different des- 
criptions of persons inimical to our cause. Whilst the abolitionist 
declares that our object i.s to strengthen and lighten the chains of 
slavery, and to render more valuable, as properly, those human be- 
ings, who arc by Am»W« laws converted into beasts of burden; the 



slaveholder perceives no other design than to disturb the long set- 
Jed rights of property. 

Neither the abolifionist, nor the slaveholder, seems to have a cor- 
rect view of our motives or objects. It is true, that we do not make 
war upon those laws which sanction slavery by a vindictive denun- 
ciation of them; but it is equally true, that we look upon slavery as 
a great moral, political and national evil. History proves that the 
evil originated in those days when England tolerated the slave trade- 
England outraged the laws of nature, and th& curse fell upon us; 
and yet some of her prominent citizens, and even some of our own, 
are inconsiderate enough to upbraid us as criminals for the situation 
in which we are placed. Their censure is equal to that of a rob- 
ber who introduces his comrade into an honest man's house, and 
when the goods are stolen, blames the host for entertaining a thief 
We cannot consider ourselves accountable for the origin of the evil; 
nor do we feel bound to adopt every suggestion of intemperate zeal 
proposing a remedy. The remedy of the abolitionist is not ours. 
It is not more wise to loose the bands of slavery immediately, than 
it would be to discharge children and minors from all salutary re- 
straints, and to send them into the world to provide food, raiment 
and shelter for themselves. Minors, under such circumstances, 
would become depredators on the community. They would become 
the dupes and instruments of vicious men, and so would slaves, to a 
dangerous extent, if indiscriminately emancipated with their pre- 
sent habits, and principles, and want of information. There are 
many exceptions no doubt, but the remark is true when applied to 
the mass of our slave population. 

It is a question of doubt whether a slave in Kentucky, under the 
control and protection of a humane master, is not better situated and 
happier in slavery, than he would be, were he emancipated. As a 
slave, he is exempt from all the cares and anxieties of providing for 
himself or family. He is at ease when he has finished the work as- 
signed him. But emancipate him in this country, and what is his 
condition? You send him abroad into the \vorld to provide for him- 
self, to make contracts wilh, and to labor for the whites as a hire- 
ling, and yet he cannot be received and admitted into the society of 
those with whom he has to do, upon terms of equality. In all his 
intercourse he is treated as an inferior. He is not allowed to par- 
ticipate in the government. His freedom does not elevate him to 
the rank of a citizen, but it affords him numerous opportunities of 



feelin" Ins degradation, and learning the extent of new privations, 
to which, while in bondage, he was a stranger. His sensibilities are 
the keener in conscciuence of removing a part of his shackles, but 
he is still constrained to travel the journey of life, borne down by 
u load of privations packed on him, (as the abolitionist thinks,) with 
the chord of prejudice. Are we to yield )vhat the abolitionist de- 
nominates prejudice and consent to an entire amalgamation ? Tt can 
never be accom[)lishcd, nor is it desirable if it would be. Nature 
has made the distinction of color, and in it, has laid the foundation 
of the partialities which bind us to our own likeness, and of the re- 
pugnances which turn us from those who do not resemble ourselves. 
It is vain to attempt to eradicate the sentiment of hostility towards 
amalgamation. Look at the riots in New York and elsewhere, which 
have grown out of the suspicion that amalgamation was seriously 
contemplated. In those states which confer the privileges of citi. 
zenship upon the free African, the whites are, in general, entirely 
averse to an interchange of civilities upon terms of perfect equali- 
ty. The social circles of the different colors are distinct. Indeed, 
some of the most thoroughgoing abolitionists have declared their op- 
position to the amalgamation of the whites and blacks. It cannot be 
accomplished, and consequmtly, tho emancipation of the slaves 
would place two rival species of the family of man in the same 
country; and the circumstance that they would not amalgamate, 
would, of itself, produce bitter heartburnings. Endless jealousies 
and strife would be the natural fruits of such a state of society. 
The fruit has bepn gathered in Cincinnati and other cities, and its 
bitterness exhibited in forcible attcn)pls to expel the blacks, and thus 
we have actual experience of the evils resulting from the haired 
and collision of the two classes so situated. It would be best for 
both to separate like Lot and Abraham. 

The abolitionist, however, believes, or aflccts to believe the 
scheme of African Colonization altogether impracticable, as a rem- 
edy, to rid the state of its slave population; and such is his abhor- 
rence of slavery, such his deep convictions of its sinfulness, that he 
insists upon a general and speedy emancipation. I do not question 
the sincerity of many who believe that it is impracticable to colo- 
nize our slaves, nor do I censure their motives in urging immediate 
emancipation; but I am very much inclined to think that ihcir zeal 
has overcome their judgment. 1 will undertake to demonstrate 
that it is within the power of the people of Kentucky to get clear 



10 

of slavery, by Colonization, without Ibeling the change such an 
event would produce in our manners and habits. It will require the 
steady operation of the system wc ought to ado[)t, through a series 
of years, before the entire work can be accomplished, but that it 
will be effectual, and can be brought to a successful termination be- 
fore the present generation have all passed ofi' the stage of human 
actiori, I do not entertain the least doubt. 

Let us proceed to the proof. There were in Kentucky, when 
the last census was taken, one hundred and sixty-five thousand, two 
hundred and thirteen slaves. It is ascertained that it will cost 
thirty-five dollars per head, to remove a fiimily to Africa, and sup- 
port them there until they can provide for themselves. Now at that 
rate, if we should undertake to remove the whole slave population 
at once, it would require $5,782,455 to do it. I v.ill not consider 
the ways and means of raising so large a sum. Perhaps it exceeds 
our ability, and it may be that wc would not doit. I shall content 
myself with the remark that it is not wanted. In a system of colo- 
nization, which shall have for its object the extermination of slavery, 
it is unwise to colonize children and old people. They cannot 
work. They require nursing, and consequently the adult colonists 
would be withdrawn from their labors, in erecting houses, opening 
plantations, and the thousand other necessury pursuha, to watch 
over the feebleness of infancy and the decrepitude of old age. 
Such a burden would materially retard the prosperity of any colo- 
ny. It has been injuriously felt in Liberia. To avoid such draw- 
backs, the female colonists should be in their sixteenth or seven- 
teenth year, and the males from twenty to twenty-five. Thus se- 
lected, they should be sent to Africa, there to form matrimonial con- 
nexions. Under such a plan, there would be but few, comparatively 
speaking, fit for colonization; and much less money would be re- 
quired than most persons imagine. 
' According to the last census, there were thirty-one thousand 
live hundred male, and thirty thousand, nine hundred and seventy- 
five female slaves under ten years of age in Kentucky. What 
would these children, making more than a third of the entire slave 
population of the state, do in Africa? They would perish if left to 
themselves; their support would be a heavy burden on the adults. 
The proportion of slaves under ten years of age in Kentucky, com- 
pared with the whole number, amounts to 37 8-10 per cent, and 
hence it might be inferred that more than a third of our race were 



11 

under ten ycai-s nfajre. Thi?, liowcvcr, is not true, and the reason 
wliy llic ccn55iis tables of the slaves of Kentucky mislead us. and 
authori/o false inferences, may be stated hereafter. If we take the 
whole free wliitc population of the United States, it will he found 
that the proportion which the children under ten years of age bear 
to the whole number, is 31 1-2 per cent. The proportion of children 
in the whole slave population of the United States, is 31 D-IO per 
cent. Thus it appears that there arc a larger proportion of cliil- 
dren, according to aggregate numbers, among the slaves, than arc 
to be found among the free whites, by nearly 3 1-2 per cent. The 
children of the free whites in the slave-holding states anioimt to 33 
4-10 per cent of the aggregate free white population, which still 
gives 1 l-w per cent more children among the slaves, in proportion 
to numbers, than among their owners. There are but two causes 
for tlie difference pointed out: the one is, that the slaves are more 
prolific than the whites; the other is, that a greater proportion of 
adult slaves die before reaching very old age than do among the 
free whites. The last may be the most efficient cause of the two, 
owing to the greater exposure of slaves, and their not being so well 
taken care of. The facts exhibited should stimulate us to colonize 
a rncc which multiplies factor than wc do, or which dies more ra- 
pidly because of hard treatment. 

The proportion of children who die before entering their seven- 
teenth year, probably exceeds half the whole number that are born. 
All those slaves who die before entering their seventeenth year, will 
in the general leave no children, and hence no good coidd be efTect- 
ed by removing them to At'rica. If we divide the number of male 
and female slaves in Kentucky who are under ten years of age by 10, 
the quotient will show the number of each sex who are in their fifth 
year. By this rule I ascertain that there were thirty -one hundred and 
fifty male, and three thousand and ninety seven female slaves in the 
fifth year of their age when the census was last taken. According to 
the census, there were twenty-seven thousand, four htindrcd and 
forfy-nine males, and twenty-seven thousand, three hundred and 
forty -six female slaves of ten and under twenty-four years of age. 
Now, as these numbers embrace all ages of ten and under twenty- 
four, comprising a perio<l of fourteen years, it is reasonable to sup- 
pose, that dividing these numbers by M, the quotients will give the 
number of each se.x in tho last half of their seventeenth, or first 
lialf of their eighteenth year, that being the inlcrmcdiatc year be- 



12 

tween ten and twenty-four. This rule gives us, for the number of 
males, one thousand, nine hundred and sixty-one, and for the females 
one thousand nine hundred and fif(y-thrcc, or a total of three thou- 
sand, nine hundred and fourteen only. The whole number of chil- 
dren in their fifth year, of both sexes, make a total of six thousand, 
two hundred and forty-seven. Deduct from this, three thousand, 
nine hundred and fourteen, the number living at seventeen, and it 
leaves two thousand, three hundred and thirty-three who have died 
or left the state in twelve years, to-vvit: from their fifth to their sev- 
enteenth year. It is thus shown that the loss is a little more than 
37 per cent. In other words, out of every hundred slave children 
five years old, thirty-seven will die, or be carried from the state be- 
fore they reach seventeen years of age. The loss per cent, 
accurately calculated, is 37 75-100 for the males, and 3G 91-100 for 
the females. By the same mode of calculation, applied to the whole 
slave population of the United States, it appears that there is a loss by 
death among the males who attain five years of age, before reaching 
seventeen, of 36 84-100 percent, and among the females, of 30 56-100 
per cent. It thus appears that the loss in Kentucky is nearly one 
per cent greater than the average loss upon our whole slave popula- 
tion for males, and one third of one per cent for females. Our 
greater loss is not to be attributed to the insalubrliy of our climate, 
nor to the failure of our slaveholders to provide suitable food, cloth- 
ing, and accommodations for their slaves. The true reason is to be 
found in the existence of a domestic slave trade, under the ope- 
rations of which about one per cent of our male, and one third of 
one per cent of our female slaves, are taken between the ages ot 
five and seventeen to the South, and there sold to other masters. 
Additional calculations, founded on the fifth census, will place this 
matter in a very striking aspect. Thus, if we take the whole male 
slave population of the United States in their seventeenth year, it 
will be found that they die at the rate of 30 73-100 per cent in thir- 
teen years, or up to the age of thirty. The same rule applied to 
Kentucky, shows that male slaves of seventeen disappear before 
reaching thirty, at the rate of 42 53-100 per cent, or nearly 12 per 
cent faster than the average of the whole male slave population of 
the United States. Our female slaves from seventeen to thirty, dis- 
appear at the rate of 40 91-100 per cent, or 11 per cent faster than 
the average. Only compare the foregoing facts with the condition 
of things in Louisiana, and you will immediately perceive that the 



13 

greater apparent loss in Kentucky is attrilutablc to the domclic 
slave trade! Tluis, in Louisiana, by tlic same mode of calculation. 
male slaves from tivc to seventeen only die at the rate of 5i)-l(l(> 
per cent, and there are more male slaves in their thirtieth year than 
in their seventeenth. Thus, while Kentucky exhibits a loss ex- 
ceeding '1'^J per cent between the ages of seventeen and thirty, 
Louisiana shows an actual gain. And here is the reason why the 
proportion of slave children in Kentucky is greater than the aver- 
age for the whole United States. Permit mo to present you one 
other comparison between the states of Kentucky and Louisiana. 
It proves one of two things, or both: first, that the climate of Ken- 
tucky is more favorable to long life than that of Louisiana, or that the 
treatment which slaves receive in Louisiana shortens their lives. In 
this state, according to the last census, there were thirteen thousand, 
five hundred and twenty male slaves of twenty-four and under thirty- 
six, and two thousand, three hundred and forty -one above fifty-fivo 
years of age. From these facts, the inference is, that out of every 
himdrcd males between twenty-four and thirty-six years of age 
only seventeen or eighteen (17 31-100 is the exact proportion) will 
remain in Kentucky or be living at fifty-five years of age. The 
same rule applied to Louisiana, shows ibat ouc of every hundred 
male slaves <A' nventy-four and under thirty-six, only thirteen or 
fourteen (13 1-2 is the exact proportion) will live to reach fifty-five 
Thus the climate or treatment of slaves is about 4 per cent more 
unfavorable to longevity in Louisiana than in Kentucky. There is 
this further diflcronce between the two states. Many slaves arc 
taken from Kentucky to Alabama and other southern states as mer- 
chandize, whereas, few, if any, arc taken from TiOuisiana. This 
would increase the percentage of destruction which falls upon the 
ill-fated African in Louisiana. In Kentucky, about nineteen out 
of every hundred female slaves between twenty-four and thirty-six 
years of age, live till they pass fifty-five; the ratio in Lousiana is 
twelve in the one hundred. In these comparisons wc may perceive 
the horrid etTects of the domestic slave trade. The ancctionatc tics 
of consanguinity and afllnity arc broken; rational beings are invo- 
luntarily driven to market; adults arc carried ofi', until there is an 
over proportion of children left ; and Ihcy arc taken to countries 
where their lives arc shortened, owing to the efiecfs of the climate, 
or the increased sevcrilv of taskmasters and overseers. 



14 

I admit these things do appeal with power to the sensibiHties ol 
the abolitionist, and it is not to be wondered at, that he should in the 
moment of his excitement, declare that they ought to bo instantly 
terminated, and that emancipation should strike him as the proper 
remedy. For myself, I can say, that the difference between the 
domestic slave trade, and that which our forefathers carried on upon 
the coasts of Africa is so trifling, that I should be willing to arrest 
the one as soon as the other. But I should not undertake to do it by 
emancipating the slaves and permitting them to remain among us. 

I will endeavor to point out to the abolitionist a better remedy. 
There are, as we have already seen, only three thousand, nine hun- 
dred and fourteen male and female slaves in Kentucky in their 17th 
year. Now if wc were to send to Africa, annually, four thousand 
males and females, half to be females and in their sixteenth or sev- 
enteenth year, we should begin to breakup all the evils of slavery. 
The young slaves in Kentucky would supply about 4,000, (half girlsin 
their sixteenth or seventeenth year,) annually, for seventeen or 
eighteen years; after which, their numbers would diminish with in- 
creasing rapidity until none could be found suitable for transporta- 
tion. By removing two thousand female slaves annually, sixteen 
or seventeen years of ago, we shnnlfl gnt clear of the stock befnro 
we were burdened with the increase, and when the last, of that age 
were sent, there would remain behind but a few superannuated 
slaves, w'ho, whatever we might owe them, would ask us to discharge 
but one debt, the consignment of their worn out bodies to the re- 
pose of the grave. If the people of Kentucky could only be in- 
duced to adopt this plan, and to prosecute it with energy, in fifty 
years from the time it shall be put into operation, the whole slave 
population of this state would be reduced to an inconsiderable 
remnant. In the mean time, the rising generations of our race, be- 
holding the progress of the great work, arid perceiving its inevita- 
ble accomplishment, would conform to the new order of things thus 
gradually introduced; whilst old persons whose habits and prejudi- 
ces alike require the services of slaves, can live through their lives 
as they have been living. The time required for efTecting this 
great revolution in the condition of the slaves and their owners, is 
nothing. Fifty or an hundred years in the ago of a nation, is but as 
one day in the life of men. 

Have we the means of removing to Africa, annually, an army of 
four thousand colonists? And let it be remembered, that there is 



15 

aij iiuicli necessity for divcsiing t-ucli an army, of cliildrcn and old 
jicopic to make it ellicicnt, as there is to exclude tliesc cumbrous 
classes from an army marching to the licld of battle. At a cost of 
thirty-live dollars per head, it would re(iuirc the sum of one hundred 
and forty thousand dollars to transi)ort four thousand colonists, and 
to provide fur them in Africa until they could support themselves. 
Six per cent interest on half die capital of the state bank shortly to 
commence its operations, would furnish the requisite amount, and 
likewise supply a surplus of ten thousand dollars for contingencies. 
A poll tax, or a charity of sixty or seventy cents on each free per- 
son in the state, over twenty years of age, would produce the amount. 
A tax of less than one dollar per head on each slave in Kentucky 
would raise it. The operation of Mr. Clay's land bill would give 
us the amount, if the legislature thought proper to appropriate it for 
such a purpose. A trilling diminution in our annual expenditures 
for luxuries, and a moderate curtailment in our consumption of wines 
and ardent spirits, would enable us to furnish the money without 
feeling it. But there is not the least necessity to resort to taxation, 
or appeal to charity, or curtail any one of the pleasures of sense, in 
order to raise the money required. The colonists can do it for them- 
bclvcs, provided wc will only let them. Tho hiic of four thousand 
halo youugruon and wotucn, the year before they go to Africa, would 
average at least lifty dollars for each. This would make two hun- 
dred thousand dollars, and thus supply a surplus of sixty thousand 
dollars more than what would be actually indispensable to accom- 
plish the object. It must be obvious to every one that it is not a 
want of ability to raise the means, but that it is' a want of will to en- 
gage in the work, or to suflcr the slaves w ho are Cu for colonization 
to do it for themselves. Our purses are not the cause of the failure. 
The Egyptians would not let the Israelites go. Our eager pursuit 
of wealth and rank scarcely allows us time to think of a benevolent 
work, much less to do it j and there lies the cause of the failure. If 
every bosom contained a fountain of love dccj) and broad enough to 
buoy up the glory and welfare of mankind, we should return to Af- 
rica her long persecuted race, and exterminate slavery at home with 
a certainly and success which would astonish the world. 

I think the remarks made must convince the abolitionist that col, 
onization carried on, upon the j)lan suggested, would extirpate slave- 
ry in Kentucky, and produce a separation between the wlWtes and 
blacks, locating each race in a congenial climate, and laying a sure 



10 

fbundation for the permanent felicity of botli. If ho wishes to con- 
template the operations of the scheme upon a still larger scale, J 
need only inform him that there arc three hundred and twelve thou- 
sand, live hundred and sixty seven male slaves of ten and under 
twenty-four years of age, and three hundred and eight thousand, sev- 
en hundred and seventy females of the same age in the United 
States. Divide these numbers by fourteen, and it will give twenty- 
two thousand, three hundred and twenty-six males, and twenty-two 
thousand and fifty-five females in their seventeenth year, or a total 
of forty-four thousand, three hundred and eighty-one which should 
be annually colonized; the expense of doing which, would only 
amount to one million, five hundred and fifty three thousand, three 
hundred and thirty-five dollars. Half the proceeds of the sale of 
the public lands applied to the object, would accomplish it. 

Permit me to anticipate and answer some objections to the plan 
proposed. It may be said that sending the young men and women 
to Africa, would be cruel in the extreme, because it would separate 
them from their parents and relations. This objection comes with- 
out force from the slaveholder, especially those who furnish chained 
victims to supply the demand of the domestic slave trade. T'^.al 
man who severs all the tico whiph binrl fngether husband and wife, 
parent and child, and the community which allows it to be done, pre- 
sent themselves rather in an awkward position, clothed in the robes 
of mercy, and pleading in behalf of slaves, against their transpor- 
tation to Africa, where liberty is the boon conferred — where eman- 
cipation elevates the slave to the rank of a free citizen — and where 
there is no cast above him to excite his jealousy and envy, by the 
possession of privileges he can never hope to enjo}'. 

But I should be entirely willing to test the efficacy of the proposed 
plan by leaving it to the slaves for acceptance or rejection. Do wc 
not behold the sons and daughters of affluent citizens leave the pa- 
ternal roof and neighborhood in search of new homes in the "far 
West," under circumstances which leave no probability of their ov- 
er revisiting the loved scenery of joyous childhood, or again shaliing 
the hand of the affectionate father, or again receiving the holy kiss 
of a Avccping mother? Do wc not behold Europe casting out swarms 
of emigrants, v, ho are hourly breaking up the ties of consanguinity, 
and affinity, and of allegiance, and seeking new homes across the 
Atlantic, for the [)urpose of escaping the consequences of those po- 
liticil systems which bow down the spirit ol' the people, and leave 



17 

the majority oppressed with taxes, until they are ready to sink with 
despair? Did not our pilgrim ancestors fly to the savage wilds of 
New England to escape religious persecution and to enjoy liberty of 
conscience? Can any one doubt, who is informed of these things* 
what course our young slaves would take if the option rested with 
them? Instead of opposing, parents would urge their children to 
choose Africa and Liberty, in preference to America and Slavery. 
America and Slavery! There is something awfully grating to my 
ears in such a connexion of the terms. The young colonists under 
the plan suggested, would, indeed, bid their aged parents and friends 
farewell without hope of seeing them again, but the gloom of the 
moment would be soon dissipated by the prospect before them, and 
the cheermg thought that each successive year would re-unite them 
with their younger brothers and sisters in Africa, as these arrived 
at the age of seventeen. Oh! what feelings would annually exhibit 
themselves on the shores of Africa, under the operation of the pro- 
posed plan. On the arrival of a ship filled with emigrants, what a 
rush to the landing, what mquires after younger brothers and sisters 
on board, and then the joyous embrace and anxious questions about 
fatJ?er, and mother, and friends in America. 

Perhaps the abolitinnkf ic rc-»dy lo acknowledge that the plan 
would lia luu country of the African race, and slavery in time, and 
that there are abundant means to carry it into execution; but then 
he might say, it is too slow and partial in its operations, that money 
cannot be raised to pay for the slaves, and masters will not give 
them up unless they are purchased. I admit the remedy is tardy, 
but it is certain and effectual. The speed with which a cure is ef- 
fected IS certainly important, but it is more important that the disease 
should be eradicated beyond the possibility of a return in any shape. 
I do not, for my parr, wish to get clear of the evils of slavery by en- 
tailing upon posterity a state of perpetual warfare with the colored 
descendants of slaves, and I believe Tliat wisdom and humanity will 
both triumph in the end, by the slow and sure operations of the plan 
proposed. But the plan proposed will operate with as much cele- 
rity as the situation of the colony will allow. Liberia must be 
gradually prepared to receive colonists. It cannot at once receive 
the whole slave population of Kentucky. 

That the remedy does not operate in behalf of those who have 
been worn out and brutalized under the yoke of slavery, is no objec- 
tion to the plan. It is needless to attempt to raise such as these to 

3 



18 

that condition of intellectual and moral worth which is essential to 
the proper use and enjoyment of freedom. Accustomed to the con- 
trol of a master, they have no idea of governing themselves, and 
when you give them liberty, they fall into idleness, licentiousness 
and crime. It would mar the prosperity of the colony; it has al- 
ready been injured to some extent, by sending out this class. But 
select the youths of both sexes, let them know at an early age the 
destiny which awaits them, let them see that you retain them as ap- 
prentices, and that as soon as they reach the proper age they are to 
be liberated and sent to Africa, let them be instructed during their 
apprenticeship in those things which shall qualify them for the new 
situation and circumstances into which they arc to be placed, and 
you will, by such a course, stimulate their minds, and they will dili- 
gently prepare for the high and important station which awaits them. 
They will then go from you prepared to be useful, and Africa will 
joyfully stretch forth her hands and receive them. 

It may be conceded that a sufficient sura of money cannot be 
raised to purchase the slaves who, under the plan proposed, ought to 
be colonized. Tlie four thousand which should go from Kentucky 
annually, for at least sixteen years, and probably seventeen or 
eighteen, would cost, if puroUnspd, one million, five hundred thou- 
sand dollars, at the average price of three hundrea ui.d ^o^onty-nve 
dollars each. The forty-four thousand, three hundred and eighty- 
one which should be annually sent from the whole U. States, at the 
same price per head, would cost sixteen million, six hundred and 
forty-two thousand, eight hundred and seventy-five dollars. It can- 
not be expected in the present state of public sentiment, that either 
the state or nation, or their respective citizens, would furnish the 
money. Those who have no slaves would not submit to be taxed to 
pay those who have, and if a tax were to fall on slaveholders exclu- 
sively, for the purpose of making the purchases, it would be like 
buying from themselves, and would, in the end, amount to a gift. 
If, therefore, nothing can bo done before paying slaveholders the 
full price of their slaves, we may give up the project, at least for 
the present. But here let me ask the abolitionist, if masters will not 
consent to colonize their slaves without being first paid, how can he 
expect masters to emancipate before they arc paid? If the aboli- 
tionist can prove that the master would rather set his slave free and 
have him for a neighbor, in preference to his going to Africa, then 
there is ground to contend that general emancipation without pay- 



10 

ino- the price of the pI.ivcp, can be more readily eflccted limn coloni- 
zation. But it is well known, in the slavcholding states, that one of 
the stron<»est objections to emancipation is founded on the fact that 
we do not thereby get clear of the colored race. Tiic scheme of 
the aboHtionist, if he be honest in his opinions, is therefore, one of 
inconsiderate zeal, for just as soon as the master is willing to eman- 
cipate, hois willing to give up his slave for colonization, and invari- 
ably, or in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, prefers the latter. 
There may be abolitionists whose professions of benevolence for 
the slave arc nothing more than the ollspring of selfishness and hy- 
pocrisy. Their real object may be to see the slave released from 
the control of his master, for the purpose of making him subservi- 
ent to their will, and securing his labor for nothing, by imposing 
upon his ignorance. I hope, however, there are but few, if any, so 
base. If I have satisfied the abolitionist of the practicability of 
colonization, he ought to give up the project of making those free 
who are not qualified for freedom, and aid in preparing the rising 
generations of slaves for colonization. If it be the object of the ab- 
olitionist to change our constitutions, and to provide for general 
emancipation, I would barely suggest to him, that in my opinion, ho 
would have an easier «ani.- woro ho lo propose that all children born 
of a slave mother, after some period to be fixed for the purpose, 
should be the property of the state, and that the state should colo- 
nize them in Africa, or elsewhere, as they reached the age of sev- 
enteen for girls, and tw enty-one for boys. But tliis, and all other 
remedies which may be proposed lo eradicate slavery, will probably 
fail, unless slaveholders can be induced to make a voluntary surren- 
der of the slave children. Will masters overdo this? 

I know there are some slaveholders now ready to give up, not 
only the children, but all they own, for purposes of colonization, 
without money and without price, and I think this sentiment will 
continue to increase until it pervades and influences a majority of 
the slaveholders of the state. These opinions arc based upon the 
following facts, of which slaveholders are better informed than for- 
merly, and of which they will be more sensible in the course of their 
future experience. 

1 . Slave labor costs more than free labor; and hence another fact, 
those states where there are no slaves sell their productions rhraper 
than those of the same kind raised by slaves. 



20 

2. Communities which have no slaves, surpass tliose which have, 
in ahnost every thing which renders Hfe comfortable. 

3. Slavery violates those principles promulgated to the world in 
our Declaration of Independence. 

4. The master's slaves are a great disadvantage to his children, 

5. Many valuable citizens are leaving the state for no other 
reason than the existence of slavery in it. 

6. The rapid increase of the slave population, compared with that 
of the free whites, increases the probability of the occurrence of 
those evils teo horrible to be mentioned. 

7. Many Christians believe that it is altogether incompatible with 
the doctrines of the Gospel to hold in bondage a portion of the hu- 
man family, and to cut them off from the pursuit of happiness ac- 
cording to the dictates of their own understandings. 

With those who are convinced that the foregoing propositions are 
true, there is no ground upon which slavery can be justified for a 
moment, unless it be that it is a less evil, and productive of less suf- 
fering and less crime than indiscriminate and immediate emanci- 
pation. 

It would occasion an unreasonable detention of this audience to 
enter upon an exammaiiun of tho inith of nach of the foregoing 
propositions. Whether true or false, we have abundant evidence 
to show, that the belief of their truth influences the conduct of many 
slaveholders as powerfully as if their truth was beyond all question. 
Witness the rapid increase of free people of color by emancipation 
in Kentucky, and the fact that more slaves have been offered for 
colonization than our Society has means to transport and provide for. 
My judicial station has aflTorded opportunities for observation, and I 
can state to this assembly, that there has been few cases before the 
Court of Appeals in the last two years, in which the validity of 
wills and testaments were involved, where the testator has not made 
provision for the emancipation or colonization of the whole or part 
of his slaves. In 1820, according to th<e census of that year, there 
were in Kentucky, two thousand, seven hundred and fifty-nine free 
people of color; in 1830, their numbers had increased to four thou- 
sand, nine hundred and seventeen, showing an increase at thp rate 
of 78 2-10 per cent, while our slave population during the same 
period increased at the rate of 30 1-3 per cent, and our white pop- 
ulation at the rate of 10 1-2 per cent only. The causes which 
haAB given such a rapid increase to the number of our free colored 



21 

people are not temporary, hut permanent and deeply planted in the 
bosoms of reflecting men; and hence we may expect, in time to 
come, a greater number of emancipations and surrenders for colo- 
nization than wo have heretofore witnessed. The improved con- 
dition of the arts, the increase of facilities for performing the busi- 
ness of life by labor-saving machinery, and the progressive increase 
of our white population, which in time will furnish many free la- 
borers anxiously seeking employment, will have a powerful influence, 
and indeed now have it, in many parts of the United States, to break 
asunder the chains of slavery. INIaryland is a striking illustration. 
In ten years, from 1820 to 1830, there Avas an actual diminution in 
the number of slaves, of four thousand, four hundred and four, and 
an increase of free blacks, of thirteen thousand, two hundred 
and eight, in that state. 

I beg leave to conclude this address, by presenting a brief view 
of the condition of things in Kentucky. It occurred to nic that 1 
■would select a few of the richest counties in the state, and by com- 
paring the census of 1830 with that of 1820, ascertain the relative 
progress which the free and slave population had made in ten years. 
I turned my attention to Bourbon, Fayette, Jessamine, and Wood- 
ford, embracing the finoct /-ontignuns luniiory to its extent, regard- 
ing natural fertility of soil, on the face of the earth. The account 
stands thus: 

Free. Slaves. Percent. 

In 1820, Bourbon had 12,499 5,165 Slave gain, equal to 34 .5-6 

In 1830, Bourbon had 11,568 6,868 Free joss, equal to 7.5-12 

Loss, 931 Gain, 1,703 



In 1820, Fayette had 13,97C 9,274 Slave gain, equal to 17 8-10 

In 1830, Fayette had 14,165 10,9.33 Free gain, equal to 1 6-17 

f^nin, 189 1,659 

In 1820, Jessamine had 6,495 2,809 Slave gain, equal to 20 8-10 

In 1830, Jessamine had 6,576 3,384 Free gain, equal to 11-4 

Gain, 81 582 



In 1820, Woodford had 7,529 4,678 Slave gain, equal to 20 4-10 

In 1830, Woodford had 6,640 5,6.33 Free lois, equal to 11 4-5 

Losf, 8S9 (Vain, 955 



2^ 



The aggregate free population of these four rounties 



ill 1820, 


was 










40,499 


In 1830, 










Loss, 


38,949 
1,550 


The aggregate slave 


population 


in 


the same counties 




ill 1820, 


was 










21,919 


In 1830, 












2G,818 



1,550 equals 3 8-10 pr.ct. 



Gain, 



4,899 equals 22 3-10 pr.ct. 



Thus, while the whites are expelled from the Eden of America 
by hundreds, the blacks enter in by increasing thousands. In these 
estimates, I have given the whites the advantage of the increase 
in the free people of color. Take this advantage from them, and 
it will be found that the free white population has retrograded in 
Fayette and Jessamine, as well as in Bourbon and Woodford. 

The foregoing view is appalling; and I was in hope of finding an 
agreeable set-off in the condition of four of the most flourishing 
counties on the Ohio. I supposed that our growing commerce on 
that beautiful river, and our rising cities on its banks, would show 
that the whites had greatly surpassed the blacks in the ratio of in- 
crease. 1 kne-w that slaves were deemed, to some extent, unsafe 
property near the Ohio, and that cirourxwtcmQr. i expected would 
have its influence in keeping down their numbers. With all these 
advantages in favor of the whites, I found, on making the estimate, 
that the ratio of increase was nearly equal. The counties selected 
are Mason, Jeflferson, Oldham, and Henry. The account stands thus : 



In 1820, Mason had 
In 1830, Mason had 



Gain, 

In 1820, Jefferson had 
Oldham, (not formed.) 
In 1820, Henry had 



In 1830, Jcflerson had 
In 1830, Oldham had 
In 1830, Henry had 



Gain, 



Free. 
10,222 

11,808 


Slaves. 
3,366 
4,391 


Per cent. 
Slave gain, equal to 30 4-10 
Free gain, equal to 15 1-2 


1,586 


1,025 
6,886 
2,004 




13,880 
8,812 




22,692 


8,890 

C,934 
2,605 
2,463 




17,055 
6,983 
8,925 





32,963 
10,271 



12,002 
.3,112 



Slave gain, equal to 35 
Free gain, equal to 45 1-5 



23 

The aggicgate free population of these lour counties 

iulS-iOjwas 3:2,914 

In 1830, 4-1,771 

Gain, 11,857 equals 36 per cent. 

The aggregate slave population in the same counties 

in 1820, was 12,256 

In 1830, 16,393 

Ciain, 4,137 equals 33 3-4 per cent. 

In this estimate, also, the whites have the advantage of the in- 
crease of the free people of color. Deduct this, and the rate of in- 
crease percent between the white and black population, will be very 
nearly equal in those four counties; the soil of which is but little 
inferior to that of the other four, and whose commercial advantages 
are greatly superior. The facts thus presented, demand the seri- 
ous reflection of every patriot. I leave it for each one to imagine 
our ultimate destiny, unless we put in operation some plan to change 
the course of things heretofore prevailing. 

The hostility which has unfortunately sprung up on the part of 
abolitionists, to our society and its operations, is well calculated to 
render inellicicnt the exertions of tlic philanthropist in behalf of the 
African race. lie perceives the want of con^'i^rt, the want of sys. 
(br», «nri fKo oitIoIuii ot scntimcnt amoug tliosc whose motives are 
pure, and sees that instead of aiding each other by co-operation, they 
militate against the success of each. My object has been to con- 
vince the abolitionist, if possible, that he should unite with us: and 
for the purpose of giving more efficiency to our scheme, I shall sub- 
mit, for the adoption or rejection of the members of the society, at 
our meeting on to-morrow, the following resolutions: 

Resolved, That it is expedient to apply to the General Assembly 
of the Commonwealth, for the passage of an act incorporating the 
Colonization Society of Kentucky, and vesting the corporation with 
power to hold slaves and other estate. 

liesokcd, That the property acquired by the corporation, either 
by gift, devise or purchase, shall be exclusively devoted to coloni- 
zing such people of color as the managers of the society, under the 
control of the I.cgislaturc, may from time to time direct. 

licaolved, That the President ajjpoint a committee of five to ad- 
dress the legislature by petition, and request the passage of a Jaw 
in conformity to the foregoing resolutions. 



24 

If the society should adopt the resolutions, and an application is 
accordingly made to the legislature, the responsibility will be thrown 
upon the representatives of the people to decide, whether they will 
create an artificial body with power to receive and employ the con- 
secrated funds of benevolence in the cause of colonization— a cause 
which has already been approved by a resolution of the general as- 
sembly, and which we trust has, and will continue to meet with the 
signal approbation of Heaven. 



LBLJa'12 



'liPi MIIIPI V VV Hi 



011 932 614 A 



